В предисловии к сборнику «План действий для России», подготовленном лондонской исследовательской организацией The Foreign Policy Centre, Касьянов утверждает, что демократия в России практически полностью разрушена. На смену демократическому принципу разделения властей пришла принцип т.н. «вертикали власти». Правительство и парламент действуют по указке Кремля, судебная система становится всё более и более сервильной. В стране не осталось ни одного независимого телеканала. Отмена губернаторских выборов и разрушение системы муниципальной власти свидетельствуют о системном кризисе.

Бывший премьер-министр пишет о двух сценариях развития страны. Один предполагает отказ Кремля от нынешнего курса и реставрацию демократических институтов; другой – по мнению Михаила Касьянова – более вероятный – крупномасштабный политический кризис с непредсказуемыми последствиями. В этих условиях, полагает он, «наша главная цель – объединить все демократические силы и вернуть страну на демократический путь развития».

The Foreign Policy Centre – британский аналитический центр, созданный по инициативе премьер-министра Великобритании Тони Блэра.

Сборник «План действий для России» издан в рамках программы "Будущее России" . Программа существует с ноября 2004 года, главный фокус – на сворачивании демократических институтов в России . Полный текст сборника можно скачать здесь.

Приводим оригинал текста Касьянова :

Just a few years ago, I and many others both in Russia and abroad were firmly confident that Russia had chosen its way based on the universal values of modern society which prioritise human rights and freedoms, a market economy and multi-party democracy. Recently, however, a paradigm shift occurred and current developments are no longer consistent with what had previously been accomplished.

Almost all the essential characteristics of a modern democratic state have in fact disappeared in Russia within a short period of time. The separation of powers has been effectively demolished and replaced by the so-called ‘Vertical of Power’ which is based on the false idea that all the meaningful social and political processes must be kept under control by the state.

The Government and Parliament can no longer function without daily instructions and the judiciary is increasingly servile. Not even a single independent central television station exists any longer. Moreover, the state continues to increase its grip over electronic and print media. The abolition of the election of regional governors and the corresponding destruction of the municipal level of power add to the systemic crisis. All this is justified by well-known cynical formulas on ‘national specifics of democracy’ and the need to ‘preserve sovereignty’

The lack of appropriate checks and balances and overall irresponsibility have inevitably led to an explosion of corruption. It would be wrong to claim that this is a new problem for Russia, but the intensity of this phenomenon has risen to an entirely new level.On top of all these problems, the endemic corruption adds to theoverall civil insecurity that is being severely felt by ordinary Russians.

Corruption is magnified by the growing importance of state-owned companies. The Vertical of Power swallows a considerable part of the economy and undermines the basis of free enterprise. Instead of productive activities it focuses on the redistribution of assets. As a result, structural reforms have been, at best, stalled. It is clear that in such an environment, the urgent mission of modernization and economic diversification is impossible

One can envisage two scenarios for further developments: First, authorities could formulate a clear economic and political agenda with short- and medium-term policy measures addressing the main risks and current concerns by the civil society and investor community. If applied consistently, this approach might little by little restore confidence and allow continued capitalisation on the current wave of economic growth

In other words, the vast majority of recent political change should be reversed, including the restoration of regional and local elections, and the canceling of the latest amendments to the electoral laws. Real judicial reform must be re-invigorated. Of course, this system is highly reliant on inertia and cultural change matters even more than material, but lately the primary positive trends were reversed by the authorities, undermining the roots of an independent judiciary. At least one central TV channel should be - as a matter of policy - transferred into private hands to give Russian citizens an alternative view to what is considered necessary by Kremlin. In foreign policy, Russia should admit its recent failures obvious to anyone and restore normal relationships with its main international partners – the EU and US – and neighbouring countries. Last but not least – property rights are to be re-confirmed. Genuine economic reform in all spheres should be restarted without the untouchables such as Gazprom and the social sphere continuing to hinder progress. Monetary authorities must regain control over inflation

How realistic is the first scenario? I am afraid the chances are slim. Alternatively, in spite of the favourable economic environment, we cannot rule out the possibility of a rapid deterioration in the current situation and/or the inability of authorities to adequately react to new challenges. In turn, it could undermine civil security leading to nonconstitutional developments with unpredictable short-term and longterm consequences

By the very fact that revolutions have already cost Russia dearly, I am strongly against revolutionary developments of any kind and consider smooth democratic political process as the best way of resolving the current deadlock. Democracy can and should be secured. I believe that despite all the efforts of the current authorities to preserve their power beyond constitutional limits, the Russian people will restate their commitment to modern democratic values at the forthcoming elections - provided they are free, fair and honest

Russians are no longer the same as during the Soviet period – they now freely travel and communicate, benefit from modern education, speak foreign languages and use the Internet. Fortunately, the younger generation does not carry the genes which keep many of their elders at the sidelines. Civil society is expanding and people are beginning to understand their basic rights and struggle for them. I believe that our main goal is to do our best to unite all the democratic forces in Russia to return the country to the democratic course

During the last two decades, Russia reformed and accomplished much to become a modern democratic state, and Russia’s membership in the G8 along with its global role represents a clear recognition of this fact. The current leadership’s policy swings - however dramatic they are - should not conceal this objective fact and nor should we allow them to.